Community organizers collaborate around a round table with no head, reflecting distributed leadership in advocacy networks

The Campaign Is Not the Network: Building Advocacy That Can Survive the Opposition

People who work in advocacy know how to build campaigns. We identify a problem, develop a strategy, assemble resources, establish leadership, create messages and demands, and organize people around a plan. There is good reason for that model. Campaigns can focus enormous amounts of energy, and when the objective is clear and the moment is right, a strong campaign gives people a practical answer to the question, “What should we do?”

At Netcentric Campaigns, we spend a lot of time thinking about a related but different question: What are we building around the campaign?

That question comes from years of watching advocacy work succeed, fail, grow, and sometimes disappear. A good campaign can win an important fight and still leave surprisingly little capacity behind. The relationships may have run through the campaign staff. The strategy may have lived with a handful of people. The money, communications tools, expertise, and decision-making authority may all have accumulated in one organization. When the campaign ends, the funding shifts, or a key leader leaves, much of that capacity can go with them.

The same concentration that makes a campaign efficient can also make it vulnerable.

The Risk in the Center

Centralization has real advantages. It is easier to make decisions when a small group has the authority to make them. It is easier to maintain message discipline, set priorities, and coordinate action when everybody is working from the same plan. Our own Field Guide for Network Managers makes this clear. Highly centralized networks can align quickly and pursue a focused agenda precisely because central actors are filtering information and making decisions.

The problem shows up when too much depends on those actors continuing to perform that role.

If strategy, relationships, money, information, and authority all run through a center, an opponent does not necessarily need to defeat everybody involved in the work. They can focus on the center. They can outlast the leader, overwhelm the organization, neutralize an institution, wait for funding to move on, or simply wait until the political moment passes. Sometimes nobody has to defeat the campaign at all. The people at the center just run out of capacity.

We have used a somewhat blunt phrase for what we are trying to avoid in network design: no single throat to choke. The point is not that leadership disappears. We want leadership everywhere. We want enough people with relationships, knowledge, initiative, and the ability to act that losing one person or organization does not disable everyone else.

That changes what leadership looks like. A network can have principals who help shape and validate the work, drivers pushing initiatives forward, weavers connecting people, operators maintaining the infrastructure, and supporters contributing resources and energy. Those roles can move among people over time. Someone can be a supporter in one moment and a driver in another. What matters is that the network does not become dependent on one person continuing to hold everything together.

There is a useful test buried in our Field Guide: If one of the most powerful leaders leaves, does the network continue functioning well?

Campaigns do not always need to pass that test. Networks should.

Alignment Through Connection

The difference goes deeper than organizational structure. Traditional campaigns and networks create alignment in different ways.

A campaign usually asks people to align around a center: a strategy, set of demands, leadership team, or plan. There may be plenty of discussion about the plan, but at some point the value of the campaign comes from people moving in roughly the same direction.

A network can create useful alignment without requiring that level of strategic agreement. People may share a broad purpose while disagreeing about tactics, priorities, language, or what should happen next. They may work for organizations with different constituencies and different theories of change. Some may not work for organizations at all.

The network manager’s job is not to settle every one of those differences.

Our work starts with the network itself. Who belongs? Those are boundaries. How are people expected to behave once they are inside? Those are protocols. Then we look at whether the relationships among participants have the things they need to function: social ties, common language, a communications grid, shared resources, feedback mechanisms, leadership, and a clear enough vision to understand why the network exists.

Those Seven Elements are where a great deal of the work happens. Are people actually forming relationships, or are they simply receiving email from the same organization? Can they communicate directly with one another without an intermediary? Do they know where expertise and resources live? Is there enough trust to survive disagreement? Does information from people close to the problem move through the network in ways others can use? Do participants understand where they have permission to take initiative?

There is plenty of rigor in that model, but the rigor is applied differently. The network can govern behavior and belonging without governing everybody’s strategy and agenda.

The farmer’s market analogy has always been useful here. If we run a farmer’s market, we have a responsibility to make the market work. We decide who qualifies to sell there. There are hours, rules, shared infrastructure, and expectations about how vendors and customers treat one another. We want good information moving through the market, and we want people to keep finding reasons to come back.

But what we should not do is tell every farmer what to grow. Because once the market operator decides that everybody has to sell the same product, or that people can participate only if they first support the operator’s own booth, we are doing something else. The value of the market comes partly from the fact that different people bring different things into a common space.

Advocacy networks work in much the same way. Different organizations and leaders bring different strategies. Our job is to strengthen the connective infrastructure so useful work can find other useful work, resources can move toward need, lessons can travel, and people can act together when alignment makes sense. We do not need to turn all of those people into one organization first.

What This Looks Like When the Pressure Arrives

The value of that architecture is easier to see once an issue starts moving faster than any one organization can comfortably manage.

We are seeing this now through the Stop Bad Data Centers network and related work within the Halt the Harm Network. Communities in different parts of the country are encountering proposed data centers under very different political, economic, and environmental conditions. A rural community facing a project does not necessarily need the same campaign plan as people working in a suburb hundreds of miles away. One place may be dealing with water. Another may be focused on electricity rates, land use, pollution, tax incentives, or the political relationships behind a particular project.

A centralized model could try to absorb all of that information, produce the right national strategy, and push it back out. There are circumstances where that could be useful. But there is another possibility: connect the people confronting these projects so they can learn directly from one another, bring technical experts and experienced organizers into those relationships, make successful tactics and useful resources visible, and create enough shared infrastructure that somebody entering the fight does not have to start from zero.

That is much closer to what we have been building. Leaders, elected officials, engineers, organizers, and people in small towns are finding one another through the network. People are comparing experiences and asking for what they need. Resources can be reviewed and improved by people actually using them. The information does not have to travel back to a central office every time before it becomes useful somewhere else.

That matters because expertise can be distributed without pretending everybody has the same expertise. Leadership can be distributed without pretending everybody plays the same role. Strategy can remain plural while relationships, information, and resources become much easier to move.

Over time that gives a field more options. Several approaches can be tested at once. People close to a problem can respond without waiting for a distant organization to fully process what is happening. Something that works in one community can be picked up, adapted, or rejected elsewhere. A failed tactic does not become a failed national strategy. Nor does a successful tactic have to remain trapped inside the organization that happened to discover it.

This is also where the resilience argument becomes practical. A decentralized network has more paths available when one path stops working. Relationships remain even when a campaign ends. Other people can step into leadership. Knowledge has moved beyond its original source. New initiatives can form from connections built during earlier fights. The network can, to use the language in our Field Guide, begin to self-heal because more than one person has both the incentive and the capacity to respond when something breaks.

None of that happens automatically, and decentralization comes with real strategic tradeoffs. A network gives up some of the leverage that comes from concentrating authority in one place. There may be no single person who can walk into a room and credibly speak for everyone, and often there is no body empowered to make a decision for the network as a whole. That is part of the design, but it matters when concentrated power would actually be useful. The terrain can become even harder when a decentralized network is confronting another decentralized network. When neither side has clear centers of authority or obvious points of leverage, the work can fragment into a lot of small skirmishes without a clear place to concentrate pressure. Distributed power creates resilience and many paths for action, but it does not make every strategic problem easier.

Importantly, moving power away from a center does not eliminate management. It creates a different management job. The work is less about directing the whole network toward one strategy and more about maintaining the conditions that allow many people to act independently without the network becoming disconnected, unnavigable, or incoherent.

That is why Netcentric Campaigns spends so much time on infrastructure that can look mundane from the outside: boundaries, protocols, onboarding, communications channels, introductions, directories, shared language, feedback, resource exchange, network roles, and the repeated work of helping people develop trust. If you want people to operate with greater autonomy, those conditions become more important, not less.

What Are We Building to Last?

This question has implications for how advocacy organizations and funders think about success.

Campaigns are relatively easy to see. There is usually a goal, strategy, budget, timeline, and some way to ask whether the campaign won. Network capacity is harder to put on a billboard. A relationship between two leaders does not look like an advocacy victory. Neither does a functioning communications grid, a useful introduction, a protocol, a directory, an exchange of expertise, or the fact that someone who previously waited for instructions has begun initiating work and bringing other people into it. But those are some of the things that remain available for the next fight.

For years, Netcentric Campaigns has talked about the need for “all of them succeed” strategies. That phrase is easy to misunderstand. It does not mean every organization agrees, every campaign wins, or everybody gets an equal share of everything. It means paying attention to whether the overall system makes the people working within it more capable. Does one person’s success create resources, knowledge, or relationships that others can use? When somebody struggles, can the network respond? If one organization disappears, does all of its connective capacity disappear with it?

A good campaign can exist inside a strong network, and in many cases the network can make the campaign more powerful. When a moment comes that requires concentrated leadership and a clear strategy, people who already know and trust one another can align quickly. The difference is that we have not had to organize the entire field around that strategy forever in order to make the moment possible.

The question we wish more advocacy organizations and funders would ask at the end of a campaign is not only whether we won. It is what is stronger now than before we began.

Can more people lead? Can they find one another? Does useful information travel faster? Is expertise easier to reach? Are there shared resources that did not exist before? Have relationships formed that can carry into work we cannot yet anticipate? If the organization that convened everybody at the beginning stepped away tomorrow, would the people still have reasons and ways to work together?

Those questions change what we invest in. They move some attention away from building the perfect center and toward building capacity throughout the field.

Opponents with deep pockets, institutional power, and long time horizons understand how to wait out campaigns. Durable advocacy requires us to think beyond the next campaign cycle. It requires networks where leadership, knowledge, trust, and the capacity to act live in enough places that there is no single center the work cannot survive without.

Are You Seeing This in Your Work?

If you are wrestling with these same questions, how to build leadership beyond the center, strengthen the relationships around a campaign, or create network capacity that lasts beyond a single fight, we would be interested in comparing notes. Netcentric Campaigns works with advocacy leaders, networks, and funders to think through these kinds of challenges and build the infrastructure that helps people work together more effectively over time.

Get in touch with Marty Kearns and the Netcentric Campaigns team. We would be glad to hear what you are seeing, where the network is getting stuck, and what it might take to make the people around the work stronger together.